Iran has significantly increased the autonomy of its field commanders over militias operating in Iraq, a strategic shift driven by the intense pressures of ongoing regional conflicts. This new approach allows some of these groups to conduct operations without requiring explicit approval from Tehran, according to three militia members and two other Iraqi officials who spoke to The Associated Press on condition of anonymity due to the sensitive nature of the information. This development comes as many Iran-backed militias are integrated into Iraq’s state security apparatus and funded through its budget, a situation that has drawn considerable criticism from the United States and other nations that have been targets of their attacks. These countries argue that Baghdad has not taken a sufficiently firm stance to control these armed factions.
Despite mounting pressure from Washington, the Iraqi government has struggled to effectively contain or deter these groups. The most hard-line factions now operate under the guidance of Iranian advisers, employing a decentralized command structure, the five officials revealed. “The various forces have been granted the authority to operate according to their own field assessments without referring back to a central command,” one militia official stated, indicating a departure from previous, more centralized control. The ongoing war in the Middle East has underscored the fragility of Iraq’s state institutions and their limited capacity to rein in these powerful armed groups. A parallel confrontation between Washington and these militias has further exacerbated the crisis, with certain factions acting as extensions of Iran’s regional campaign, escalating attacks on U.S. assets in Iraq prior to a fragile ceasefire agreement reached in April. Even if this ceasefire holds, U.S. officials and experts anticipate an intensification of military and political efforts against these groups, particularly as they gain more latitude to operate independently. In a recent move, the U.S. imposed sanctions on seven commanders and senior members of four hard-line Iraqi militia groups backed by Iran. Michael Knights, head of research for Horizon Engage, a geopolitical risk consulting firm, and an adjunct fellow at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, commented that “The U.S. is still going to feel it has the freedom of action to hit Iraqi militias.” He added that this could manifest as an effort to influence the formation of a less militia-dominated government in Iraq. Information reaching TahirRihat.com suggests that this decentralization is a direct response to battlefield realities and strategic considerations driven by the war.
The shift in Iranian strategy became apparent in the immediate aftermath of the war sparked by U.S. and Israeli strikes on Iran on February 28. An Iranian delegation reportedly visited Iraq’s Kurdish region and conveyed a clear message to Kurdish authorities: any escalation of militia attacks near U.S. military bases, commercial interests, or diplomatic missions would not be subject to Tehran’s direct intervention, implying a lack of control over such actions. “They said they’ve devolved authority to regional Iranian commanders,” a senior Iraqi Kurdish government official confirmed, speaking anonymously due to the subject’s sensitivity. Previously, Kurdish leaders in Iraq would often contact Iranian officials to inquire about the reasons behind attacks targeting them. This time, however, the message was intended to preempt such inquiries by stating, “We can’t help you with the groups in the south right now.” This change in approach, according to the Kurdish official, reflects lessons learned from a 12-day war in June, during which operations were tightly centralized. Following that conflict, greater autonomy was granted to field commanders. Militia officials have corroborated this account. A spokesperson for Harakat Hezbollah al-Nujaba, one of the Iran-backed militia groups that have engaged U.S. forces in Iraq, acknowledged a level of “coordination” with Iran in launching attacks but declined to provide specific details. Mahdi al-Kaabi, the spokesperson, stated, “Since we are allies of the Islamic Republic, we have coordination with our brothers in the Islamic Republic.” Knights observed that during the recent conflict, key Iraqi militia leaders appeared to distance themselves from direct involvement in operations, with U.S. strikes largely targeting mid-level commanders, according to militia officials. “None of the first-line leaders have been killed,” a second militia official noted, speaking without authorization to brief reporters. The U.S. also reportedly focused on Iranian Revolutionary Guard advisory cells, with Knights tracking attacks that resulted in the deaths of three Guard advisers in Baghdad during a meeting at a house used as their headquarters, as confirmed by the second militia official.
The pressure on Iraq to rein in these militia groups is intensifying, yet the government faces a significant paradox: the very factions it claims it cannot control are closely tied to the political parties that brought it to power. The Coordination Framework, an influential alliance of pro-Iran Shiite factions, was instrumental in the installation of Mohammed Shia al-Sudani as prime minister in 2022. He currently serves as caretaker premier amidst a prolonged political deadlock. The militia forces carrying out attacks on U.S. targets are not operating as rogue elements; rather, they are deeply embedded within the state’s Popular Mobilization Forces, a paramilitary umbrella organization that was officially incorporated into Iraq’s security forces. This integration complicates any attempts by the Iraqi government to exert control, as it blurs the lines between state authority and the independent operational capacity of these armed groups. The U.S. has consistently voiced concerns about the influence of these Iran-backed militias and their role in destabilizing Iraq and the wider region. Washington’s sanctions against militia leaders underscore its determination to counter their activities. The decentralization of command, while potentially making individual groups harder to dismantle, also presents challenges for Iran in maintaining unified control over its proxies. The complex interplay between Iran’s regional ambitions, Iraq’s internal political dynamics, and U.S. security interests continues to shape the volatile landscape of the Middle East.
Tahir Rihat (also known as Tahir Bilal) is an independent journalist, activist, and digital media professional from the Chenab Valley of Jammu and Kashmir, India. He is best known for his work as the Online Editor at The Chenab Times.
